Revision summary
August 2019 ended J&K’s special constitutional status and reorganised the state into two Union Territories. A Lieutenant Governor-centred executive, new domicile and land rules, and the 2023 Supreme Court judgment now frame politics. Security policy, targeted violence, and development claims compete as rival legitimacies. Delimitation and the 2024 assembly election restored party competition, with NC, BJP, and a weakened PDP as principal markers. Statehood remains the central unfinished institutional demand of the new landscape.
Model answer
Introduction
On 5–6 August 2019 the Union ended the special constitutional position of Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370, and Parliament passed the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act. The political landscape since then has been shaped by that legal break, by security policy, by new electoral arithmetic, and by the unmet demand for restoration of statehood. These are the key factors, not a single story of peace or of rupture alone.
Body
Constitutional and institutional change
- Presidential orders and the Reorganisation Act created two Union Territories: J&K with a legislature, and Ladakh without one. The old state constitution and constituent assembly logic of Article 370 were declared spent. Land, jobs, and domicile rules were recast under Union-territory administration, with a Lieutenant Governor as the hinge of executive power. This shifted politics from a bargained special autonomy to a more direct Union frame, closer to Delhi’s other territories than to the 1950s Delhi Agreement.
The Supreme Court’s 2023 judgment upheld the Union’s route and noted the promise of statehood. Statute plus court now structure what parties may say.
Security, society, and economy
Official narratives stress reduced street violence and investment. Counter-narratives stress detentions in 2019, targeted killings, and domicile anxiety. Institutions without consent, as conflict scholars have long argued, do not end a disputed politics.
Delimitation, elections, and parties
The 2022 delimitation reopened the Jammu–Kashmir seat balance. The 2024 assembly vote returned competition: National Conference in office, BJP strong in Jammu, PDP weakened. The Lieutenant Governor versus elected ministry split over police and land is the daily federal story. Until statehood returns, the landscape is electoral yet thinner than a full state.
Flow diagram
flowchart TD A[August 2019] --> UT[Two UTs / LG] A --> SEC[Security and domicile] A --> DEL[Delimitation 2022] DEL --> EL[2024 assembly] EL --> ST[Statehood demand]
Conclusion
Post-2019 J&K is defined by the end of Article 370, Union-territory government, security-led administration, delimitation, and a revived but constrained electoral arena. The key factors are legal centralisation, the LG–ministry split, regional party adaptation, and the unfinished promise of statehood.
Quick related
Students also ask
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How far has been the National Human Rights Commission successful in achieving its objectives? Comment
Next question in the 2025 paper (Q5). View answer →
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Is J&K now an ordinary Indian state politically?
It has an elected assembly again, but as a Union Territory the LG and Union retain powers that full states do not, which is why statehood is still the hinge.
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Did 2019 end regional parties?
No. It interrupted them. The 2024 vote showed the National Conference could still win a mandate inside the new rules.
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