Q5 · UPSC Civil Services Mains 2015 · GS III · 12 marks · 2 min read

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In what way could replacement of price subsidy with direct benefit Transfer (DBT) change the scenario of subsidies in India? Discuss.

Topic: Farm Subsidies and PDS. Syllabus: Issues related to direct and indirect farm subsidies and minimum support prices; Public Distribution System — objectives, functioning, limitations, revamping; issues of buffer stocks and food security; Technology missions; economics of animal-rearing. Same official PYQ from year-wise 2015 and Farm Subsidies and PDS.

Revision summary

Price subsidy cheapens a commodity for whoever buys it and invites diversion. DBT credits the eligible person so the good can sell nearer market price. JAM (Jan Dhan, Aadhaar, mobile) is the delivery pipe; PAHAL is the working LPG example. Gains are targeting, less leakage, household choice and a clearer Budget cost. Risks are exclusion, weak banking, and a hard shift for fertiliser and food where markets fail.

Model answer

Introduction

A price subsidy cheapens the bag of urea, the cylinder or the kerosene litre for everyone who buys it. Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) pays the eligible person in a bank account and lets the good sell nearer to market price. India’s JAM (Jan Dhan, Aadhaar, mobile) stack, highlighted in the Economic Survey 2014-15, is the pipe for that shift. The scene of subsidies changes only if the pipe actually reaches the poor.

Body

How price subsidy works today

  • The State keeps urea, some foodgrain, kerosene and LPG cheap at the counter, which invites diversion to industry, smugglers or better-off households.
  • Dual pricing needs a huge agency (fertiliser firms, oil companies, fair-price shops) and hides the true fiscal cost.
  • The poor often still pay a tout, or receive a diluted bag, because the subsidy sits on the commodity, not on the person.

How DBT can change the scenario

  • PAHAL (Direct Benefit Transfer for LPG) already showed that the subsidy can follow the Aadhaar-linked consumer, which cut duplicate connections.
  • Targeting improves: the transfer can be limited to priority households, and the well-off can be excluded (as in giving up LPG subsidy).
  • Leakage falls when the shop sells at market price and the farmer or housewife gets cash or a bank credit, so there is less incentive to divert the cheap bag.
  • Households gain choice: they may buy a cleaner fuel or a different nutrient mix rather than only the subsidised item.
  • The fiscal bill becomes transparent and can be capped; Economic Survey logic was that JAM reduces ghost beneficiaries.
  • For food, DBT or cash in place of cheap grain is more contested, because price risk and weak rural markets can leave the family hungry if cash is delayed.

Limits

  • Exclusion error: a failed Aadhaar match or a distant bank can cut off a genuine poor household.
  • Fertiliser DBT is harder than LPG because urea use is seasonal, soil needs differ, and last-mile dealers are political.
  • Without last-mile banking and mobile literacy, DBT becomes another queue.
  • Price subsidy on merit goods (some food, some kerosene where LPG has not arrived) cannot be switched off overnight.

Flow diagram

flowchart TD
  P[Price subsidy on good] --> L[Leakage diversion]
  J[JAM stack] --> D[DBT to account]
  D --> T[Better targeting]
  D --> C[Choice and transparent fiscal cost]
  D --> E[Exclusion last mile risk]

Conclusion

Replacing price subsidy with DBT can cut ghosts, diversion and an opaque fiscal leak, as PAHAL showed for LPG. It changes the subsidy from a cheap bag to a targeted transfer. It will not by itself feed or fertilise India unless banking, Aadhaar and markets work for the last household, and unless food security is not reduced to a failed ping.

Quick related

Students also ask

  • Does DBT mean the poor lose subsidy?

    No. The design is to pay them directly. They lose only if Aadhaar or the bank fails, which is why last-mile inclusion matters.

  • Has India already replaced all price subsidies?

    No. LPG is the furthest. Fertiliser and food remain largely price-based, with pilots and debate.

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When UPSC asked this

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More from this topic

Q14 · UPSC Mains 2024 · GS III · 15 marks

Elucidate the importance of buffer stocks for stabilizing agricultural prices in India. What are the challenges associated with the storage of buffer stock? Discuss.

Farm Subsidies and PDS

Buffer stocks buy rice and wheat at MSP so harvest prices do not crash, and release them through PDS and open sale so retail prices do not spike. FCI and State agencies hold the central cereal pool; a Price Stabilisation Fund is used for some pulses and perishables. Storage challenges: CAP exposure, rodents and fungus, high carrying cost, and stocks piled in a few surplus States. A rice-wheat mountain does not automatically cool onion or tur inflation. Silos, WDRA warehouses and a wider commodity set are the storage reforms that match the price-stability claim.

Q14 · UPSC Mains 2023 · GS III · 15 marks

What are the direct and indirect subsidies provided to farm sector in India? Discuss the issues raised by the World Trade Organization(WTP) in relation to agricultural subsidies.

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Direct subsidies include fertiliser, power, irrigation, crop-loan subvention, PM-KISAN and insurance premium support. Indirect subsidies include MSP, public procurement, food subsidy, and cheap public research and seed. WTO Amber Box covers trade-distorting price and input support, with 10 per cent de minimis for developing countries. Green Box is uncapped if genuinely non-distorting; Blue Box is production-limiting payments. The peace clause protects public stockholding from disputes pending a permanent solution.

Q12 · UPSC Mains 2022 · GS III · 15 marks

Do you think India will meet 50 percent of its energy needs from renewable energy by 2030 ? Justify your answer. How will the shift of subsidies from fossil fuels to renewables help achieve the above objective ? Explain.

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Panchamrit targets 50 per cent of installed electric capacity from non-fossil sources by 2030, including hydro and nuclear. That is not 50 per cent of energy needs, and not even 50 per cent of electricity generation, because solar and wind have lower capacity factors. Half of all energy from renewables by 2030 is unlikely given oil and industrial coal. The capacity target is more plausible if transmission, storage and discom health improve. Shifting subsidies from fossils to renewables and storage helps relative prices and manufacturing; social fuels need targeted DBT, not a blunt cut.

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