Q18 · UPSC Civil Services Mains 2023 · GS I · 15 marks · 2 min read

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Does urbanization lead to more segregation and/or marginalization of the poor in Indian metropolises?

Topic: Women, Population and Urbanisation. Syllabus: Role of women and women’s organization, population and associated issues, poverty and developmental issues, urbanization, their problems and their remedies. Same official PYQ from year-wise 2023 and Women, Population and Urbanisation.

Revision summary

High land prices and master plans push the poor into slums and edges. Gated housing and caste mohallas harden spatial segregation. Informal work and demolition without fair rehab marginalise the same people. Some mixing and central schemes exist but do not yet reverse the pattern. The honest answer is yes, urbanisation here has meant more segregation and marginalisation, unless housing near jobs is forced into the plan.

Model answer

Copper italics in this answer — like this — are the key facts. Each one is unpacked in the Facts & figures rail.

Introduction

Indian metropolises concentrate jobs, but they also sort people by rent, caste, and papers. Urbanisation here often means both segregation of the poor into slums and margins, and marginalisation in work, services, and the law.

Body

Segregation in space

  • Master plans and high land prices push low-income workers into jhuggi-jhopri clusters, unauthorised colonies, and peri-urban villages, as in parts of Delhi, Mumbai, and Bengaluru.
  • Gated housing, malls, and elevated corridors physically separate the paying city from the service city that cooks and drives for it.
  • Dharavi, Bhalswa, and similar settlements are not random; they sit on leftover, flood-prone, or disputed land that the formal market will not sell cheaply.
  • Caste and religion still cluster in urban mohallas, so class segregation overlaps older social maps.

Marginalisation in work and citizenship

  • A large share of metropolitan labour is informal: street vending, domestic work, construction, and gig delivery without written contracts.
  • Slum demolition without rehabilitation, despite Olga Tellis (1985) on livelihood and later right-to-shelter talk, treats the poor as encroachers on their own workplace city.
  • Water tankers, shared toilets, and school and clinic gaps mean the poor pay more for worse services, which is marginalisation by the utility.
  • Women in slums face unsafe last-mile transport and unpaid care, so the metro’s opportunity is not equally usable.

Is it automatic?

  • Urbanisation also mixes people in factories, metros, and universities, and it can weaken village caste watch in some neighbourhoods.
  • PMAY-U, NULM, street-vendor protection after the Street Vendors Act, 2014, and the 74th Amendment promise inclusion.
  • In practice, these schemes often under-fund rental housing and fail against builder-led gentrification, so the dominant metropolitan pattern is still segregation plus marginalisation.

Way forward

  • Expand in-situ slum upgrading and public rental housing near job corridors, not only distant resettlement.
  • Give vendors and waste-pickers legal standing, and bind metro master plans to affordable housing quotas.
  • Use the 74th Amendment so ward committees, not only development authorities, decide whose house is illegal.

Flow diagram

Flow diagram

Conclusion

In Indian metropolises, urbanisation has largely segregated the poor in slums and peri-urban belts and marginalised them in informal work and services. Mixing and housing schemes exist, but they will count only if housing near jobs is treated as infrastructure.

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