Q2(b) · UPSC Civil Services Mains 2015 · Anthropology GS 1 · 20 marks · 1 min read

← Q6(c)

How did Morgan explain the evolution of marriage, family and Socio-Political organization, and how did other evolutionists disagree with his explanation?

Topic: Classical evolutionism (Tylor, Morgan and Frazer). Syllabus: (a) Classical evolutionism (Tylor, Morgan and Frazer) Same official PYQ from year-wise 2015 and Classical evolutionism (Tylor, Morgan and Frazer).

Revision summary

Morgan sequenced family from promiscuity to monogamy with property. Socio-political order ran gens to tribe to territorial state. Savagery–barbarism–civilisation was invention-marked. McLennan, Maine, Bachofen, and Tylor kept evolution but not his rungs. Boas and Lowie rejected unilinear necessity.

Model answer

Introduction

Lewis Henry Morgan, in Ancient Society, lined up family and polity on one ladder from savagery to civilisation. Other evolutionists kept the ladder idea but moved the rungs.

Body

Morgan’s sequence

  • He used Iroquois kinship and classical texts. Kin terms were fossils of older marriage.
  • Family ran from promiscuity through group marriage, punaluan, pairing, and monogamy, tied to property.
  • Polity ran from gens (clan) to phratry, tribe, and the state of property and territory, as in Rome and Greece.
  • Savagery, barbarism, and civilisation were marked by inventions: fire, bow, pottery, agriculture, iron, writing.

Disagreements among evolutionists

  • McLennan put bride-capture and female infanticide first, and doubted Morgan’s group marriage as a real stage.
  • Lubbock and Spencer kept progress but stressed religion or military-industrial types more than gens.
  • Bachofen had already put mother-right first. Morgan used matriliny as an early gens, which Maine patriarchy contradicted.
  • Tylor shared unilinear culture but worked from animism and survivals, not from Iroquois terms as law.
  • Engels accepted Morgan and tied the monogamous family to private property. That political use later drew ethnographic fire.

Later evolutionary critique

  • Boas and Lowie showed clans, states, and marriage forms do not travel in one world order.
  • Maine’s status-to-contract still differed: Roman law, not Iroquois, was his engine.
  • Field cases of Australian sections and African states broke the single gens-to-state story.

Flow diagram

flowchart TD
  M[Morgan Ancient Society] --> F[Family stages]
  M --> P[Gens to state]
  D[McLennan Maine Tylor] --> X[Other rungs]
  B[Boas Lowie] --> Y[No one ladder]

Conclusion

Morgan joined family, property, and the state on one invention-marked ladder. Fellow evolutionists disputed group marriage, mother-right, and the gens as universal rungs, while Boasians later dropped the ladder.

Quick related

Students also ask

  • Did Morgan invent fieldwork?

    He used Iroquois knowledge and questionnaires. It is not Malinowski’s year-long village method.

  • Is any part of Morgan still used?

    Kinship terminology types remain. The three-age moral ladder does not.

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Classical evolutionism arranged societies on universal stages using decontextualised comparison. Boas argued that similar traits may have different causes and histories. His 1896 critique required fieldwork, language, distribution and chronology before comparison. The Boasian school separated race, language and culture and advanced cultural relativism. Baffin Island and Northwest Coast research replaced armchair sequence with documented context. Its limits were anti-generalisation, salvage assumptions and insufficient attention to colonial power.

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