Revision summary
The 102nd Amendment made NCBC a constitutional commission under Article 338B. It inquires and must be consulted; it does not replace legislatures as the final list-maker. The 105th Amendment restored state power over state OBC lists after the Maratha case. Jat, Patidar, Maratha, and Kapu agitations show dominant groups claiming backwardness. Mandal criteria and street power now compete; NCBC is not the winner by default.
Model answer
Introduction
The National Commission for Backward Classes became a constitutional body through the 102nd Amendment (2018), as Article 338B. Empowerment is real on paper and limited in the politics of dominant-caste reservation demands.
Body
Empowerment after 102nd Amendment
- Article 338B copies much of the SC and ST commission design: inquiry, reporting, and a duty of governments to consult on major policy affecting socially and educationally backward classes.
- The Commission is not a court. It cannot by itself add a community to a list in the way a legislature or, earlier, the executive did after Indra Sawhney (1992).
- The 105th Amendment (2021) restored the power of states to identify OBCs for their lists after the Supreme Court’s Maratha judgment read 102nd as stripping states.
- So NCBC is empowered as a watchdog and adviser, not as the sole gatekeeper of every backward-class list.
Dominant-community demands
- Jats, Patidars, Marathas, Kapus, and similar agrarian-dominant groups have sought OBC or special reservation after agrarian crisis and public-job scarcity.
- Mandal was about social and educational backwardness plus inadequate representation, not about every politically strong community’s unemployment.
- NCBC’s role is to apply criteria, not to ratify street strength. In practice, cabinets and state laws often move first; the Commission follows or is bypassed.
- Rising demand therefore tests the Commission’s independence more than it proves its supremacy.
Assessment
- Compared with the pre-2018 statutory NCBC, the constitutional status is an upgrade.
- Compared with the political weight of dominant groups, the body is not decisive. Empowerment is legal, not hegemonic.
Flow diagram
flowchart TD NCBC[NCBC Art 338B] --> I[Inquire and advise] M[Mandal Indra Sawhney] --> CR[Backwardness criteria] DOM[Dominant caste demands] --> POL[Political lists] POL --> NCBC
Conclusion
NCBC under Article 338B is a constitutional adviser and investigator, not a sovereign classifier. Dominant-caste movements for backwardness have often outrun it. The 105th Amendment returned list-making to states, which further relativises the Commission’s gate.
Quick related
Students also ask
-
High concentration of economic activities and consumption patterns in post-liberalisation period has led to the failure of environmental movements in India. Elucidate.
Next question in the 2022 paper (Q5). View answer →
-
Is NCBC as strong as NCSC?
The textual design is similar. Political attention and case law still treat SC/ST protection as a thicker constitutional commitment.
-
Can a dominant community be backward?
A slice may be. The Mandal test is inadequate representation plus social-educational backwardness, not mere farm distress or vote size.
PYQ trend
When UPSC asked this
Related PYQs from other years, newest first. Open a question to read it.
-
2025 · Q5(e) · PSIR GS 1 · 10 marks
How far has been the National Human Rights Commission successful in achieving its objectives? Comment -
2025 · Q7(c) · PSIR GS 1 · 15 marks
There is a debate on the procedure for appointment of the Chief Election Commissioner and Election Commissioners to the Election Commission of India. Analyse its various aspects -
2024 · Q6(b) · PSIR GS 1 · 15 marks
Explain the structure and functions of the National Commission for Women. -
2023 · Q5(e) · PSIR GS 1 · 10 marks
National Commission for Minorities. -
2023 · Q6(b) · PSIR GS 1 · 15 marks
How does NITI Aayog as a 'policy think tank with shared vision' visualize the reorganization of planning in India? Justify your answer -
2022 · Q7(c) · PSIR GS 1 · 15 marks
Discuss the policy initiatives of the Fourteenth Finance Commission aimed towards promoting and strengthening agricultural development in India -
2021 · Q8(a) · PSIR GS 1 · 20 marks
"The success of electoral democracy can partly be attributed to the status and role of the Election Commission of India." Explain
More from this paper
Q1(a) · UPSC Mains 2022 · PSIR GS 1 · 10 marks
Systems Approach.
Political Theory
Easton treated politics as authoritative allocation inside a system of inputs, conversion, outputs, and feedback. Almond restated conversion as interest and rule functions plus political culture. The method compared new states by function, not by legal text alone. Critics charge equilibrium bias and neglect of class, ideology, and silent power. It remains a map of process, not a theory of justice.
Q1(b) · UPSC Mains 2022 · PSIR GS 1 · 10 marks
Cultural Relativism.
Political Theory
Cultural relativism asks that meaning be read inside a culture, against racial ranking. Boas and Herskovits are the canonical names. As method it blocks ethnocentrism; as absolute ethics it can protect domination. Parekh and Kymlicka keep culture with exit and equality. Indian minority rights sit beside Article 17, which relativism cannot erase.
Q1(c) · UPSC Mains 2022 · PSIR GS 1 · 10 marks
"Revolution in Permanence".
Political Theory
Trotsky’s revolution in permanence refuses a long bourgeois stage in late societies. Democratic and socialist tasks are chained; the process is international. The formula opposes Stalin’s socialism in one country. Marx’s 1850 phrase is the ancestor; 1905 and 1917 are the cases. The limit is neglect of peasantry, nation, and post-revolutionary law.
Toppers' copies
Toppers' copies for this question will be uploaded soon.