Q7(c) · UPSC Civil Services Mains 2023 · PSIR GS 2 · 15 marks · 2 min read

← Q5(c) Q8(c) →

What are the challenges and limitations in India - Iran relations?

Topic: Comparative Politics. Syllabus: Comparative Politics: Nature and major approaches; political economy and political sociology perspectives; limitations of the comparative method. Same official PYQ from year-wise 2023 and Comparative Politics.

Revision summary

Sanctions after the JCPOA crisis cut India’s Iranian oil and complicated Chabahar contractors. INSTC is a map still waiting on regional stability. I2U2 and Israel ties sit poorly with Tehran’s regional map. Afghanistan 2021 is both a shared file and a source of different bets. The challenge is to keep a working corridor without a sanctions-proof or all-weather pact.

Model answer

Introduction

India and Iran share civilisational contact, a stake in Afghanistan, and the Chabahar–INSTC connectivity idea. The relationship is repeatedly strained by United States sanctions, energy payment problems, Israel policy, and slow project delivery. Challenges are structural, not only diplomatic mood.

Body

Sanctions and energy

  • Iran was a major crude supplier to India. US withdrawal from the JCPOA and secondary sanctions cut that trade for long stretches.
  • Payment, insurance, and shipping became the daily challenge. Rupee and third-country mechanisms were incomplete substitutes.
  • After 2022 India also had discounted Russian oil, which further reduced Iran’s share.

Connectivity that moves slowly

  • Chabahar is the flagship. It competes with time, with Gwadar’s China–Pakistan story, and with US sanctions risk for firms.
  • INSTC needs Russian, Iranian, and Caucasian stability. War in Ukraine and Caucasus shocks delay a corridor sold as geopolitics.

Regional politics

  • India deepened ties with Israel, the UAE, and the United States, including I2U2, while Iran remains in a hostile set toward Israel and often toward Washington.
  • Afghanistan after August 2021 is a shared interest against some militant groups and a divergence on who holds legitimate power.
  • Iran–Saudi and Iran–Gulf cycles pull Indian labour, energy, and Hajj-related diplomacy in two directions.

Domestic and identity files

  • Shia pilgrimage, Chabahar workers, and occasional statements on Kashmir or on minorities can irritate either capital.
  • Neither side treats the other as an enemy. Neither can offer a full strategic cover against the other’s main threat.

Reading

  • Keohane’s complex interdependence is thin here because finance and insurance are weaponised by a third State.
  • Pragmatic foreign policy keeps Chabahar alive as a hedge. It has not produced a sanctions-proof partnership.

Flow diagram

flowchart TD
  S[US sanctions JCPOA end] --> E[Energy payment cut]
  S --> C[Chabahar delay]
  I2[I2U2 Israel UAE US] --> D[Diplomatic divergence]
  E --> R[Limited partnership]
  C --> R
  D --> R

Conclusion

India–Iran challenges are US sanctions on energy and firms, slow corridors, and India’s simultaneous West Asia partnerships with Iran’s rivals. The relationship survives as a limited connectivity and regional-security file, not as an all-weather alliance.

Quick related

Students also ask

  • Discuss the major drivers of India's interests in Africa

    Next question on this syllabus topic (2023 · Q8(c)). View answer →

  • Has India abandoned Iran for Israel?

    No. India runs both relationships. The challenge is that Tehran treats the Israel–US set as a threat, so parallelism has a ceiling.

  • Why keep Chabahar if sanctions hurt?

    It is India’s main publicly built option for a western land-sea route to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Abandoning it would leave only Pakistan-blocked geography.

PYQ trend

When UPSC asked this

Related PYQs from other years, newest first. Open a question to read it.

  1. 2023 · Q1(a) · PSIR GS 2 · 10 marks

    What are the crucial functions of empirical political theory in Comparative Politics?

    View answer →

  2. 2023 · Q1(b) · PSIR GS 2 · 10 marks

    What are the difficulties faced by a political theorist in comparing the States?

    View answer →

  3. 2023 · Q1(c) · PSIR GS 2 · 10 marks

    How does democratic politics construct citizenship?

    View answer →

  4. 2023 · Q3(c) · PSIR GS 2 · 15 marks

    Narrate the various ways in which rapid environmental degradation is posing a serious threat to human security. Illustrate your answer with suitable examples

    View answer →

  5. 2023 · Q4(b) · PSIR GS 2 · 15 marks

    What do you mean by offensive and defensive realism?

    View answer →

  6. 2023 · Q5(c) · PSIR GS 2 · 10 marks

    Why is the compromise reached at WTO regarding the Covid-19 vaccine manufacturing not a Trade Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) waiver?

    View answer →

  7. 2023 · Q8(c) · PSIR GS 2 · 15 marks

    Discuss the major drivers of India's interests in Africa

    View answer →

  8. 2022 · Q1(a) · PSIR GS 2 · 10 marks

    Discuss the main limitations of the comparative method to the study of Political Science.

    View answer →

More from this topic

Q7(c) · UPSC Mains 2025 · PSIR GS 2 · 15 marks

NonAlignment 2·0 underscores India's unique aspiration to emerge as a site for an alternative universality. Comment

Comparative Politics

NonAlignment 2.0 (2012) restated strategic autonomy for a China-first, post-NAM world: partner the U.S., do not join it. Alternative universality means rules others can inhabit without becoming Western or Chinese tributaries. India’s civilisational pluralism, Global South voice, and issue-based coalitions are the claimed site. The aspiration is coherent; capacity in the neighbourhood and in manufacturing is the constraint. The risk is exceptionalism dressed as universality.

Q7(b) · UPSC Mains 2025 · PSIR GS 2 · 15 marks

Trump's unilateral imposition of reciprocal tariffs on scores of countries poses impending threat to the future of the rule-based multilateral global trading system under the WTO. What options do the WTO members have to salvage the organization?

Comparative Politics

Trump’s 2025 reciprocal tariffs, on top of a blocked Appellate Body, treat MFN as optional and threaten WTO as policeman. Salvage options: restore appeals or widen MPIA, plurilaterals, a subsidy-for-S&DT reform bargain, G20 politics, and FTA hedges. India’s stake is public stockholding, digital rules and a forum in which power is not the only law. A variable-geometry WTO is more likely than a 1995 restoration. Letting the organisation die would leave only tariff nationalism.

Q6(c) · UPSC Mains 2025 · PSIR GS 2 · 15 marks

The tariff threats have pushed India and the European Union closer. Evaluate the India-EU partnership

Comparative Politics

U.S. reciprocal tariffs in 2025 threatened both Indian and EU exports and compressed FTA timelines. The partnership already includes TTC, climate talk, student mobility and a values vocabulary. Friction remains on agriculture, data, CBAM, Russia and human-rights politics. Directionally closer is true; a finished trade-and-tech pole is not yet true. India–EU is the best Western hedge if Washington stays protectionist, not a substitute for U.S. defence enablers.

Toppers' copies

Toppers' copies for this question will be uploaded soon.