Q3 · UPPSC PCS Mains 2019 · GS III · 8 marks · ~125 words in the hall · 2 min read

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'Armed Forces Special Powers Act' of the Parliament of India has come under criticism by the States as being draconian and sometimes as unconstitutional. Examine analytically.

Topic: Economic planning and NITI Aayog. Syllabus: Economic planning in India: objectives and achievements. Role of NITI Aayog, Pursuit of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Same official PYQ from year-wise 2019 and Economic planning and NITI Aayog.

Revision summary

AFSPA 1958 notifies a disturbed area and gives armed forces fire, search, and arrest powers. Section 6 prior sanction is criticised as de facto immunity. States say law and order is theirs, yet the Army overlays policing for years. NPMHR 1997 upheld the Act with review and dos-and-don’ts; EEVFAM 2016 denied encounter immunity. Jeevan Reddy 2005 found the Act too sweeping; validity on paper is not the same as justice on the ground.

Model answer

Introduction

The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, lets the Union notify a ‘disturbed area’ and give armed forces wide powers of fire, search, and arrest. Several North-Eastern States, and earlier Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir under a parallel statute, have called it draconian because everyday civil liberty is displaced for years, not days.

Body

What the Act does

  • Once an area is declared disturbed, a commissioned officer may fire upon a person acting in contravention of law and order, destroy shelters, arrest without warrant, and search premises on suspicion.
  • Section 6 requires prior Central sanction to prosecute a member of the armed forces, which critics read as de facto immunity.
  • The notification can last decades; ‘temporary’ emergency powers become the ordinary law of a whole State or district.

Why States call it draconian and unconstitutional

  • State governments argue that law and order is a State List subject, yet AFSPA overlays Army doctrine on policing and sidelines the local magistracy and police accountability.
  • Enforced disappearances, fake encounters, and sexual violence complaints in Manipur, Nagaland, and Jammu and Kashmir made the Act look like a licence, not a last resort.
  • Article 21 (life and personal liberty) and the federal distribution are said to be hollowed when a civilian cannot get a prompt, independent inquiry.
  • Civil society and some Assemblies have demanded repeal or a sunset, citing the Justice Jeevan Reddy Committee (2005), which called AFSPA too sweeping and recommended a less blunt internal-security law.

The constitutional counter-weight

  • In Naga People’s Movement of Human Rights v. Union of India (1997) the Supreme Court upheld AFSPA as constitutionally valid but bound it with safeguards: periodic review of the disturbed-area notification, a list of dos and don’ts, and no blanket shoot-to-kill.
  • Extra Judicial Execution Victim Families Association v. Union of India (2016) held that the Army does not enjoy immunity for fake encounters; every alleged extra-judicial killing must be inquired into.
  • The honest analytical middle is that the statute can be valid on paper and still intolerable in a district where review never happens and sanction for trial is almost never given.

Flow diagram

flowchart TD
  A[AFSPA 1958] --> D[Disturbed area notification]
  D --> P[Fire search arrest powers]
  D --> I[Section 6 prior sanction]
  P --> C[State criticism draconian]
  I --> C
  C --> SC[NPMHR 1997 valid with safeguards]
  C --> EJ[EEVFAM 2016 no fake-encounter immunity]

Conclusion

  • States’ criticism is federal and rights-based: AFSPA militarises a State subject, lasts too long, and Section 6 blocks remedy. The Supreme Court has not struck it down, but it has refused a licence to kill. The Act remains defensible only where disturbance is real, notification is reviewed, and criminal process is not a dead letter.

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