Revision summary
Company rule after the mid-eighteenth century raised cash revenue just as drought hit Bengal in 1770. Settlements and cash crops left peasants paying rupees after a failed harvest. Older tax remission and local stores weakened, while grain followed price to the port. Nineteenth-century famines and Bengal 1943 showed policy and entitlement failure, not climate alone. Railways moved grain; they did not create a right to eat.
Model answer
Introduction
Famine was not new to India, but from the Bengal famine of 1770 onward dearth became more frequent and more commercial under Company and Crown rule. Climate still failed; colonial revenue and grain export decided who starved.
Body
Revenue and the market
- After Plassey the Company squeezed Bengal’s land revenue, which left peasants with no grain reserve when the 1769–70 drought came.
- Permanent Settlement, ryotwari, and mahalwari treated the peasant as a cash payer, so a bad year still owed rupees, and land passed to moneylenders.
- Cash crops such as indigo, opium, cotton, and later oilseeds took acreage from food in some belts, which raised market risk when rains failed.
- Grain moved by river and later by rail toward ports and deficit towns that could pay, so high prices in a famine district did not keep food at home.
Collapse of older buffers
- Pre-colonial states, temples, and village granaries had uneven relief, but they often remitted tax or opened stores; colonial collectors still demanded revenue in many famine years.
- Deindustrialisation of textiles threw weavers onto a crowded agrarian labour market, which made wage earners the first to starve when grain spiked.
- Forest and common-grazing closures cut wild foods and cattle fodder that poor households had used as a last store.
Policy and the great famines
- Laissez-faire dogma in the nineteenth century delayed public grain, as in the 1876–78 and 1896–97 famines, until mortality had already soared.
- The 1943 Bengal famine showed that war demand, boat denial, and a failed entitlement to buy rice could kill even when the calendar was not a simple all-India drought.
- Railways could import grain, yet they also exported it; transport without a right to food did not end famine.
Flow diagram
flowchart TD R[High cash revenue] --> F[Peasant without store] C[Cash crops exports] --> F M[Grain to paying markets] --> F P[Late or harsh relief] --> D[Mass mortality] F --> D
Conclusion
The mid-eighteenth-century spurt in famines followed Company revenue, cash cropping, and a market that moved grain to money, not to need. Drought remained the trigger; colonial political economy made the death roll modern and large.
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Did colonialism invent Indian famine?
No. It changed frequency and lethality by tying food to cash revenue and export markets.
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Did railways cause famine?
They could relieve a district if grain was paid to stay. They also drained grain toward ports when price commanded.
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